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Israel News Digest
Julie Stahl, Christian Friends of Israel, Jerusalem
Israelis voted overwhelmingly in favor of security and against Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and his policies when they went to the polls on February 6 to cast their ballots for Likud party leader Ariel Sharon. Winning by the largest margin ever--nearly 25 percent--in an election with the lowest ever turnout--62 percent--Sharon landed the post of prime minister. The seasoned politician and military man is the sixth prime minister Israel has had in the last decade and the 11th since the establishment of the state. In his election night speech he pledged to create a government of national unity and "work to restore security to the citizens of Israel and achieve true peace and stability in the region." However, the former general will have his work cut out for him. With raging Palestinian violence and terrorism on the increase, mounting tensions along Israel's northern border and threatening signs from Iraq, his pledges will be put to the test. WORST TERROR IN YEARS The Palestinian Authority officially adopted a "wait-and-see" policy and expressed its willingness to negotiate with whomever the Israeli people elected but militant Palestinian factions stepped up terrorist activity in an attempt to thwart Sharon's election pledge to return security to the country. Drive-by shootings, roadside bombs and live-fire clashes-particularly in the Gaza Strip-increased dramatically in the days before and after the election. Some Israeli security officials have described the situation as being in an actual "war" against terrorism, fighting terrorist organizations that are waging war against Israel. There have been more than 3,200 shooting, bombing and grenade attacks on Israeli targets in the last five months. In the 10 days following the elections alone, there were some 211 shooting attacks reported. Eight Israelis were crushed and mangled to death and more than 20 wounded in the worst terrorist attack in four years. Khalil Mohammed Abu Ulbah, a Palestinian from the Gaza Strip and a bus driver with the Israeli Egged bus company, plowed his 11-ton bus into a crowd of soldiers and civilians waiting at a busy hitchhiking post south of Tel Aviv during rush hour. He then sped off down the road, and was only stopped when he lost control of the bus and slammed into a truck stopped at a traffic light. He was taken into custody. Seven of the victims were soldiers-four of them female-between the ages of 18 and 21. The eighth fatality was a 30-year-old woman civilian. Three other female soldiers were left in critical condition and are now slowly improving. The southern coastal city of Ashkelon reeled from the loss of five of its own. Cpl. Yasmin Karisi, Cpl. Alexander Manevich, Sgt. Kochava Polanski, Sgt. Rachel Levy were all laid to rest one after the other in the Ashkelon military cemetery. Civilian Simcha Shitreet, also from the town, was buried in Rishon LeTzion. St.-Sgt. Ofir Magidish and Sgt. David Iluz, who grew up together in the same apartment building, were buried side-by-side in Kiryat Malachi, while Sgt. Julie Weiner, who emigrated alone from France in 1999 for the express purpose of joining the IDF, was buried in Jerusalem. Abu Ulbah had worked as a bus driver for the last five years, ferrying Palestinian laborers from the Gaza Strip to jobs in Israel. He had just completed his morning run, dropping off 50 Palestinians in Ramle, when he carried out the attack. He later admitted to police that he had planned the attack and not carried it out on the spur of the moment, but relatives said he had no formal connection with any terrorist organization. In his mid-thirties with five children at home, he did not fit the profile of those who commit terror attacks. The attack jarred the security establishment because Abu Ulbah had the necessary security clearance and a clean record. In the wake of the attack, Israel once again tightened the closure on PA-controlled territories, which had been eased several weeks ago to allow Palestinian workers to return to jobs in Israel. Israel closed the borders into the PA, revoked the VIP permits of Palestinian officials, who were allowed to travel through Israel and closed down the PA's international airport. Such closures bring widespread international condemnation and are said by critics to only foment more violence. As the economic situation worsens in Palestinian areas, it only frustrates and angers the people who then become more willing to take desperate actions, critics argue. But Israel insists that such moves help it to at least contain would-be terrorists and prevent attacks. PA Chairman Yasser Arafat's own Fatah faction vowed to escalate the violence and spoil Sharon's plan to return security to the country. Fatah in Bethlehem threatened to kill Israeli journalists if they set foot in the town after Israel Radio reported on a message distributed in an internal Fatah flyer, which accused a local leader of corruption. Palestinian gunmen renewed shooting attacks on Jerusalem's Gilo neighborhood from neighboring PA-controlled Beit Jala, after more than a month's break, prompting Israel to return tanks to guard the area. "The period of the Sharon government will not be stable as he has promised," Fatah said in a leaflet, which also pledged to "continue to strike at Gilo and turn the lives of the settlers to h-ll." Built on the disputed side of the pre-1967 cease-fire line between Israel and Jordan, Palestinians consider Gilo to be a settlement. In separate shooting attacks throughout Judea and Samaria, Akiva Pashkos, 45, father of five, Arieh Hershkovitz, 55, father of four, grandfather of four, Lior Attiah, 23, Dr. Shmuel Gillis, 42, father of five and Tzahi Sasson, 35, father of two were all killed by Palestinian gunmen. Motti Dayan, 27, and Etgar Zeitouny, 34, two restaurant owners from Tel Aviv were abducted from a café in Tulkarm and murdered by Palestinian militants in revenge for Israel's killing of a prominent Palestinian activist. The two cousins had gone to the PA-controlled city with an Arab Israeli friend, to buy flowerpots for their sushi bar. A major tragedy was averted by a "miracle," witnesses said, when a massive car bomb exploded in an Orthodox Jerusalem neighborhood. Only one woman was lightly injured in the afternoon blast, which did some property damage, in an area of Jewish religious schools. Further south, St.-Sgt. Rujayah Salameh, 23, an Israeli Arab Christian soldier was killed by sniper fire in an attack near the Egyptian border. Salameh came from the village of Turan, where more than a dozen Israeli Arabs-mostly Christian-have opted to serve in the Israeli Defense Forces. Several fierce gun battles raged in the Gaza Strip and at least one continued for some six hours. For the first time, mortar shells were used against a Jewish community there. The settlement of Netzarim came under several mortar attacks, prompting the army to erect temporary bomb shelters in the isolated Gaza community. UNDERHANDED OFFENSIVE The PA is not limiting its battle against the Jewish State to guns and bombs. A fierce propaganda war is also being waged throughout the world to sully the reputation of Israel as it struggles to defend itself. PA spokeswoman Hanan Ashrawi explained in Arabic recently that one of the PA's new public relations strategies is to depict Israeli leaders, particularly Sharon, as war criminals and demand that they be brought to justice. She never mentioned that her "boss" is one of the most cruel and bloody terrorists of all time and most of the PA leadership has the blood of innocent victims on its hands. Arafat, himself, accused Israel of using a new kind of gas-some kind of nerve gas, he said-against Palestinian civilians as well as depleted uranium ammunition. Doctors in the Gaza Strip reported dozens of victims arriving at the hospital affected by this mysterious "black gas." They said they had no antidote for it but admitted that the symptoms, which included respiratory problems, passed within 24 hours. Israel denied that it had used any gas other than tear gas or smoke bombs that soldiers set off to conceal their movements. But television images of Palestinians in hospital writhing in pain and gasping for breath go a long way toward convincing the public. IN an analysis of the television footage, an Israeli army medical expert observed that the so-called victims of the gas attack did not exhibit the symptoms of either nerve gas or mustard gas, which cause either bodily excretions or burns on the skin. Israel has repeatedly denied that it uses depleted uranium ammunition. Arafat's comments came on the heels of the hit-and-run bus terror attack, which the PA leader initially referred to as a "traffic accident." But he must have known better. In Jordan, when the attack occurred, the Palestinian Liberation Organization chieftain made hasty plans to travel to Turkey instead of returning to the Gaza Strip, fearing a sharp Israeli retaliation. His remarks about the gas were seen as an attempt to deflect international attention from the seriousness of the terrorist act. Arafat's reaction was seen as a possible turning point. Only after he was pressured in a phone conversation with U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell did Arafat condemn the attack. Previously he had condemned without prompting, terror attacks that occurred in Israel proper. Some analysts say that his silence on this one could be an indication that he has given a nod of approval for carrying out attacks within Israel proper. NEW CHALLENGES Another turning point in the security alert was the Israeli army confirmation that the Lebanese-based Hizbullah terrorist organization is spreading its influence into the Gaza Strip. Masood Ayad, a lieutenant colonel in Arafat's elite presidential guard, Force 17, was also accused of leading a Hizbullah terrorist cell in Gaza. Israeli forces killed Ayad in a helicopter missile attack on his car, in the latest in a series of controversial assassinations of terrorist ringleaders. The PA says that knocking off its leaders is like a "war crime" but Israel insists that in the war against terror targeting those responsible for planning and carrying out attacks is only one of the viable methods for combating terrorism. Ayad was accused of having fired the initial mortar shells on Netzarim, a bomb attack and an attack on a bus with an anti-tank rifle grenade. He was also accused of planning to kidnap Israeli soldiers. In the last few months, the Israeli army had seen the spread of Hizbullah-type tactics in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip, and suspected involvement of the organization. Mortar bombs and a combination of roadside bombs coupled with sniper fire as well as kidnapping of soldiers are all Hizbullah tactics, which they have seen. Along Israel's northern border, Hizbullah launched an anti-tank missile attack at an army convoy in the disputed Har Dov region, killing Sgt. Elad Shnior, 19, and wounding three other soldiers. Israel responded by shelling Hizbullah targets across the border. Weeks before, Israel had killed two Palestinian terrorists who had tried to infiltrate the border at Har Dov, in the fourth infiltration attempt in just a few weeks. Newly elected Sharon reportedly sent word to Syrian leader Bashar Assad that he would be willing to negotiate peace with him, but only if Assad clamped down on Hizbullah activities. The Iranian-backed organization has more freedom to maneuver under the younger Assad, Sharon said, than it did under the regime of his father Hafez Assad. DECLARATION OF WAR! Many Arab states reacted sharply to Sharon's election by calling it a "declaration of war!" Sharon is reviled in the Arab world for what is seen as his part in the massacres at the Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps in 1982, while he was defense minister. Hundreds of Palestinians were killed by Christian militiamen, who were allied with Israel. Sharon was later held indirectly responsible by an investigating commission and forced to step down. The Palestinians also accuse Sharon of starting the current round of violence by visiting the Temple Mount last September. Israeli officials, all the way up to Barak, have said that is not true and that the so-called "spontaneous" uprising was well planned in advance. Nevertheless, newspapers in the Arab world were merciless to Sharon and Israel. "The victory of the bloody terrorist and war criminal Sharon as head of the Israeli government is a clear message by the Zionist entity to Arabs amounting to an official declaration of war," said Syria's ruling party newspaper, al-Baath. "Choosing Sharon is akin to a choice of war," wrote Lebanon's Ad-Diyar. In Saudi Arabia, al Medina said there was little difference between Barak and Sharon. "They are both at the end of the day butchers," it said. "The rivers of blood are coming and the Palestinians and Arabs must be prepared to confront this new Tatar attack." The United Arab Emirates, al-Khaleej newspaper said Israelis had chosen Sharon in order "to confirm their rejection of peace, their commitment to aggression, expansion and terrorism." While a headline in the Jordanian daily al-Aswaq declared: "Sharon wins...extremism rules in Israel today," Jordanian and Egyptian leaders took a more moderate approach. They said they would "wait and see" how Sharon behaved and what he had to offer. A meeting of eight Arab foreign ministers and the PA also adopted the same stance but Arab heads of state will meet at the end of March to further deliberate the situation. One counter-terrorism expert suggested that Arafat might try to bring the violence in the territories to a crescendo at just about that time in order to enlist the support of Arab nations. Washington has been very supportive of Sharon thus far. Powell telephoned many Arab leaders and urged calm in the region upon Sharon's election. RENEWED IRAQI THREAT? A surprise air strike on Iraqi communications targets by U.S. and British allied planes raised new fears in Israel that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein might retaliate by firing missiles at Israel. Jerusalem was said to have been upset that it was not forewarned by Washington about the U.S. air strike on Iraq. The army said it was monitoring the situation. Saddam, who has been promoting himself as the patron of the Palestinians, has been buying their affection by paying $10,000 to each family that has lost a loved one in the current uprising. Baghdad has also said that it has enlisted millions of volunteers who are ready to join the Palestinians in their fight against Israel. The Palestinians were one of Saddam's few but ardent allies during the Gulf War 10 years ago. Hundreds of Palestinians in PA-controlled areas demonstrated in favor of the Iraqi leader after the recent allied bombardments. Saddam, whose standing in the Arab world has been steadily improving during the last year, has been waiting for an opportunity to attack Israel-not because he is so concerned about the Palestinians but because he wants to redeem himself among his Arab brethren. A SECOND CHANCE The upsurge in violence underscored the need for Sharon to form a government and the sooner the better. The 73-year-old, nicknamed "bulldozer," followed through on his election pledge to attempt to form a national unity government. As we go to press, it appears that Sharon's Likud party and Barak's Labor party will indeed join forces to form a government. Sharon offered the Labor party seven ministries, among them the choice of two of the top three cabinet posts: finance, defense, and foreign affairs. Specifically Sharon offered Barak the post of Defense Minister and Shimon Peres the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. Barak, who declared on election night that after 41 years of public service, he was going to take a break, pulled what has become known as one of his infamous "zigzags." He reportedly accepted the defense portfolio and is thought to be reconsidering his decision to leave the party leadership. Some Labor faction Knesset members are upset that Barak is not following through on his word to quit. Others from the political left are angry that he would consider joining forces with Sharon. Many Israelis are questioning Sharon's wisdom in inviting Barak to join him in the government. As defense minister, as well as prime minister, Barak failed to quell the surging violence during the last few months and to clinch a deal with the Palestinians despite his "generous" offers to them. While this teaming up of political rivals may appear to be strange, Sharon and Barak actually have many things in common, not least of which is their military background. They also both need a national unity government. Barak sees it as a way to redeem himself and regain support within the Labor party. Sharon needs unity to soften his image abroad. Many analysts say that with "peace-loving" Barak as his defense minister, Sharon will be able to carry out his policies to crackdown on the violence. Barak, they argue, is not a particularly gentle man. As one military analyst put it, Barak can get away with all sorts of things that Sharon cannot do, because with Barak everything is forgiven in the international community. Just what a unity government means in the practical sense is still unclear. It is clear that the left has not abandoned what it sees as the "path to peace." Even Barak, in his election night concession speech, vowed not to abandon his commitment to the path he had forged in the peace process. "It is the right path," he said. "When the time comes we will return, because our path is the only path." Sharon has a much different idea about the path to "peace." He has pledged not to negotiate with the Palestinians while the violence continues. He said he will not hand over more than 42 percent of the disputed territories and is aiming for a more long-term implementation of an agreement. He also vowed not to divide Jerusalem. Reportedly the commitment not to divide Jerusalem is not to be included in the terms of the agreement between the Labor and Likud parties, neither is the leftwing demand to support the establishment of a Palestinian state. Some experts believe that a unity government will only last until issues about the peace process are raised again, which, if Sharon has his way won't be until after security is restored. That could take a long time. TRUE COLORS A last minute push for an Israeli-Palestinian agreement before the elections was cut short when Arafat exposed his true colors in a way that even Barak could not brush aside. At the World Economic summit in Davos, Switzerland he launched a scathing anti-Israel attack in a speech carried live on television. Sharing the stage with former Prime Minister and peace process architect Shimon Peres, Arafat accused Israel of waging "a savage and barbaric war" as well as "a blatant military aggression" against the Palestinians during the last few months. His diatribe came less than 24 hours after senior Israeli and Palestinian negotiators wrapped up six days of intensive talks at the Egyptian Red Sea resort of Taba aimed at coming to some form of an agreement before Israeli elections. In a joint statement the sides had declared that the talks were "unprecedented in their positive atmosphere and expression of mutual willingness to meet the national, security and existential needs of each side." Further, the sides declared, "that they have never been closer to reaching an agreement." The possibility had even been raised of one last Barak-Arafat summit prior to the elections but Arafat's speech dampened the high spirits and Barak backed off. Providentially for Israel, Arafat made the biggest mistake of his life by refusing Barak's generous offer of 95 percent of the disputed territories, sovereign Israeli turf to make up the five percent difference and part of Jerusalem, including rule over the Temple Mount. He will not get such a good offer from Sharon. Both Barak and former U.S. President Bill Clinton made public statements after the Israeli elections saying that all proposals that had been put on the table and not fully agreed upon were now "null and void" according to a pre-arranged agreement that "nothing was agreed upon until all was agreed upon." Clinton had proposed among other things dividing Jerusalem. Israel had accepted Clinton's proposals as the basis of further negotiations but the Palestinians effectively rejected the ideas by submitting a list of more than 20 reservations to the recommendations. In Barak's waning days he re-floated the idea of a unilateral separation from the Palestinians. Such a move would involve Israel giving the Palestinians much less territory than he originally offered and cutting all connection with the PA, including prohibiting Palestinian workers from entering Israel. Some say that Sharon is leaning toward a similar plan. ELECTION ROUND-UP On the day after elections, Sharon visited the grave of his beloved wife, Lily, whom he eulogized in his election night speech. He said Lily, who died a year ago from cancer, had always believed he would become prime minister one day, but now she was not here to share the moment with him. Analysts have said that Sharon did not win the election on his own merits, but because many voters cast their ballots against Barak. Many of Barak's former supporters were fed up with the security situation, the peace process and his games. In 1999, the Labor party leader defeated former Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu by a wide margin, largely due to support he received from the Arab sector as well as from immigrants from the former Soviet Union. Many center-right voters, who were disgusted with Netanyahu at the time, also joined the vote for Barak, who presented himself as a tough, center-left player. However, things were different just 18 months later, when Sharon trounced Barak with 62 to 37 percent of the votes. The Arab sector-about 12.3 percent of the electorate that had turned out en masse to support Barak in 1999-largely boycotted the elections, with less than 25 percent of Arab voters showing up to cast their ballots. Their most gaping wound stemmed from police handling of Israeli Arab protests in sympathy with Palestinians in October. Thirteen Arab Israelis were killed during those riots. But some say that the community was already angry with Barak because he had ignored them when he formed his government the previous year. The Russian immigrant community, about 20 percent of the electorate also swung its support over to Sharon. Although this community had been deeply touched by the security situation, it had already become disenchanted with Barak when he offered to divide Jerusalem at the Camp David summit in July. One left-leaning journalist marveled that this largely secular community, with very little sense of Jewish history or roots, many of whom had never prayed in a synagogue would suddenly be willing to fight for the Temple Mount and Jerusalem! Other voters were disgruntled by the way Barak treated his friends and his enemies and some were just unhappy with the standard political complaints of unemployment, the state of the economy and broken promises. Of course Barak's main nemesis was the appalling security situation. Israelis from left and right, old and young alike put their trust in Sharon's promise to restore security to the country. One young Israeli woman expressed the sentiments of many when she said she was glad Sharon had won and believed there would now be an improvement in the security situation. "If this doesn't help the situation," she said, "we are under the ground." "Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give glory, for thy mercy, and for thy truth's sake. Wherefore should the nations say, Where is now their God? But our God is in the heavens; he hath done whatsoever he hath pleased...O Israel, trust thou in the Lord; he is their help and their shield." (Psalm 115:1-3, 9)
Julie Stahl is the Jerusalem Bureau Chief for CNSNews.com
© 2001 Christian Friends of Israel. Used with permission. And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free.
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